Blog post

Will natural gas cooperation with Russia save the Greek economy?

In the midst of profound turbulence in the negotiations between Greece and its international lenders, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras flew to Mosco

Publishing date
20 April 2015

In the midst of profound turbulence in the negotiations between Greece and its international lenders, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras flew to Moscow last week for an official visit to President Vladimir Putin. This meeting, portrayed by many commentators as a bargaining chip with its European creditors, was officially intended to improve bilateral relations between the two countries in various economic sectors. Greece had high expectations from this meeting, in terms of financial assistance, potential gas discounts and a lift of the Russian ban on the food imports from Greece.

However, during the press conference that followed the meeting it emerged that Russia had something else to offer to Greece: strong cooperation on natural gas projects. This prospect was presented by President Putin as a sort of potential game changer for the Greek economy. Firstly, he stated that Greece could earn "hundreds of millions of euro" through natural gas transit annually. Secondly, he declared that Greece could use these revenues to pay off its debt to international creditors. Prime Minister Tsipras reacted favourably to this proposal, by saying that this might also boost jobs and investment in Greece. But is there any evidence that a strong natural gas cooperation with Russia would have a considerable impact on the Greek economy? This blog is intended to provide insight on this controversial issue.


Source: Bruegel

During the press conference, President Putin declared that Russia would consider the option of providing loans to Greece for joint large-scale natural gas projects. This was a reference to Turkish Stream, a project launched in December 2014 by the Russian President himself, intended to deliver substantial volumes of Russian gas to Turkey and Europe while completely bypassing Ukraine from 2019.

According to President Putin, Greece would primarily benefit from the pipeline project by enjoying significant transit revenues. Let's try to figure out whether this statement has a solid basis. Turkish Stream is set to have a capacity of 63 billion cubic metres per year (bcm/y). Considering that 14 bcm/y will be exclusively devoted to the Turkish domestic market, the maximum volume that might transit through Greece would be 49 bcm/y. Considering that Slovakia applies a transit fee of about EUR 7.8 per thousand cubic metres (tcm) for the natural gas transit from Ukraine to Austria via its 400 km-long transit route, Greece might collect about EUR 380 million annually in transit charges.

According to Prime Minister Tsipras, the construction of a pipeline connecting the arrival point of Turkish Stream at the Turkish-Greek border with the Greek-Macedonian border (from where natural gas might flow northwards to Austria via Macedonia, Serbia and Hungary) might have a considerable impact in terms of job creation in Greece. To put it into perspective, Trans Adriatic Pipeline AG, the company working on a similar pipeline project -TAP- optimistically projects the creation of around 2,000 directly related new jobs and a further 10,000 peripheral new jobs in Greece. These numbers indicate the limited impact of these projects on the Greek labour market.

Furthermore, Greece hopes that enhanced natural gas cooperation with Russia will also lead to a significant discount on its imports of Russian gas, at a level of around 10 percent. Considering that the average price paid by Greece for Russian gas was around EUR 440 per thousand cubic metres in 2013 and that Greece annually imports from Russia around 2.4 bcm of natural gas, the annual natural gas bill of Greece vis-à-vis Russia could be estimated at about EUR 1 billion. A 10 percent discount would thus represent a net saving of about EUR 100 million.

To put it into perspective, we compare the "Russian gas package" with Greece's actual bailout package. In short, the sum of the potential annual transit charges of EUR 380 million and the potential annual savings on the natural gas bill of EUR 100 million have a net present value of EUR 4.8 billion (calculated with the current long-term interest rate of 10 percent). This is two orders of magnitude smaller than the Second Economic Adjustment Programme approved by euro area finance ministers in 2012 which foreseen financial assistance of EUR 164.5 billion until the end of 2014.

Furthermore, considering that Eurostat estimates Greece's total annual government spending at EUR 107 Billion, the impact of the "Russian gas package" on the country's total annual government spending would be limited, at 0.5 percent.

Following on from the enthusiastic tones of the Moscow meeting, over the next week Russia and Greece will sign a memorandum of cooperation concerning these gas issues. However, as the previous figures illustrated, the overall impact of Turkish Stream on the Greek economy will be rather limited in macroeconomic terms.

In other words, Russian-Greek gas cooperation might have an impact on the political and geostrategic relations of the two players (and on that of other countries), but it will surely not have a direct structural impact on the Greek economy.

About the authors

  • Georg Zachmann

    Georg Zachmann is a Senior Fellow at Bruegel, where he has worked since 2009 on energy and climate policy. His work focuses on regional and distributional impacts of decarbonisation, the analysis and design of carbon, gas and electricity markets, and EU energy and climate policies. Previously, he worked at the German Ministry of Finance, the German Institute for Economic Research in Berlin, the energy think tank LARSEN in Paris, and the policy consultancy Berlin Economics.

  • Simone Tagliapietra

    Simone Tagliapietra is a Senior fellow at Bruegel. He is also a Professor of EU Energy and Climate Policy at The Johns Hopkins University - School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) Europe.

    His research focuses on the EU climate and energy policy and on the political economy of global decarbonisation. With a record of numerous policy and scientific publications, also in leading journals such as Nature and Science, he is the author of Global Energy Fundamentals (Cambridge University Press, 2020) and co-author of The Macroeconomics of Decarbonisation (Cambridge University Press, 2024).

    His columns and policy work are widely published and cited in leading international media such as the BBC, CNN, Financial Times, The New York Times, The Economist, The Guardian, The Wall Street Journal, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Corriere della Sera, Le Monde, El Pais, and several others.

    Simone also is a Member of the Board of Directors of the Clean Air Task Force (CATF). He holds a PhD in Institutions and Policies from Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore. Born in the Dolomites in 1988, he speaks Italian, English and French.

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